原文1：
Concerning the management of the core Internet resources (such as the Domain Name System, IP addresses or the root servers), the Report argues that reaching a common definition of the interests of the international community that must be served by the system of Internet governance, and agreement about the way in which governments and other players should be involved in it, are key aspects of the problem. UNCTAD identifies the stability and quality of service of the Internet, the prevention of its fragmentation, the true internationalization of the management of the relevant institutions and the maintenance of the bottom-up processes of policy-making as necessary features of any reform proposals. Given the complex way in which technological and policy issues are intertwined, the Report says that a network of differentiated forums of cooperation and coordination might be more likely to provide broadly acceptable results than a single, comprehensive governance framework. Finally, the Report supports a gradualist, evolutionary approach to the problem of Internet governance.
For developing countries, the Report concludes that it is important to assess the implication of various models of Internet governance, particularly from the standpoint of their impact on the capacity of their economics to benefit from the adoption of e-business practices in order to enhance their productivity and competitiveness. Many developing countries will need a sustained capacity effort in the area of Internet policy-making if they are to participate effectively in any future management or governance mechanisms.
译文1：
关于互联网核心资源的管理（例如域名制度、IP地址以及根服务器），报告指出，就互联网治理制度所必须维护的国际社会的利益的共同定义，以及各国政府和其他方面应如何参与其中达成协议，这是问题的关键方面。贸发会议认为，任何改革建议都必须包含下列几点：保证互联网服务的稳定和质量；防止互联网四分五裂；使有关机构的管理真正实现国际化；维持自下而上的决策过程。报告说，鉴于技术与政策问题相互交织，十分复杂，设立各种不同的合作与协调论坛，可能比一个单一的综合治理框架，更容易产生广泛接受的结果。最后，报告支持以渐进、演变的方式来处理互联网治理问题。
关于发展中国家，报告得出的结论是，必须对各种互联网治理模型的潜在意义进行评估，特别是从对发展中国家经济影响的角度来看，看它们能否通过采用电子化经营来提高其生产率和竞争力。发展中国家如果想有效地参加未来的管理或治理机制，则需要在互联网制定政策领域开展持久的建设能力工作。
原文2：
The question of the immunity of State officials from foreign criminal jurisdiction has begun to attract greater attention in recent years. This is connected to a large extent with the growth of the concept of protection of human rights, a decline in willingness to tolerate gross violations of human rights, and efforts to combat terrorism, transnational crime, corruption and money laundering. Society no longer wishes to condone impunity on the part of those who commit these crimes, whatever their official position in the State. At the same time it can hardly be doubted that immunity of State officials' is indispensable to keep stable inter-State relations.
Academic and public discussion as well as State practice, including domestic case law, in this area, were given a substantial boost following consideration of the case of former Chilean dictator General A. Pinochet in Great Britain. Between 1998 and 2001 more than 20 attempts were made to institute criminal proceedings in domestic courts against senior incumbent and former officials of foreign States. Specifically, there were attempts to prosecute President L.-D. Kabila of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in Belgium and France in 1998; Israeli Prime Minister A. Sharon in Belgium in 2001-2002; President M. Al-Qadhafi of Libya, President D. Sassou Nguesso of the Republic of the Congo in 2000-2001 in France; former President of Chad H. Habré in Senegal in 2001.
译文2：
近年来，国家官员的外国刑事管辖豁免问题已经引起了更大的关注。这在很大程度上与人权保护观念的增强、容忍严重人权侵犯行为的意愿降低、以及在打击恐怖主义、跨国犯罪、腐败和洗钱方面的努力有关。社会再不愿意容忍对这类犯罪者——无论其在本国的官方地位如何——有罪不罚的现象。同时，几乎无可置疑的是，国家官员的豁免对于保持国家间关系的稳定是必不可少的。
在联合王国审理智利前独裁者皮诺切特将军案后，这一领域的学术和公众讨论以及国家实践、包括国内判例法都得到极大发展。在1998年至2001年期间，世界上共有20多家国内法院试图对外国高级官员和卸任官员提起刑事诉讼。具体地说，1998年在比利时和法国曾试图起诉刚果民主共和国总统L.-D.卡比拉；2001年至2002年在比利时试图起诉以色列总理A.沙龙；2000年至2001年在法国试图起诉利比亚总统M.卡扎菲、刚果共和国总统D.萨苏-恩格索；2001年在塞内加尔试图起诉乍得前总统H.哈布雷。